Das Parlament Kataloniens verabschiedet die Souveränitätserklärung #eu #politics #usa

- Präambel

Immer wieder im Laufe der Geschichte hat das katalanische Volk seinem
Willen zur Selbstverwaltung Ausdruck verliehen, mit dem Ziel, den
Fortschritt, das Wohlsein und die Chancengleichheit aller Bürger zu
verbessern, sowie ihre Kultur und Identität zu bestärken.

Die Selbstverwaltung Kataloniens beruht auch auf den historischen
Rechten des katalanischen Volkes, auf den sekulären Institutionen und
auf der katalanischen juristischen Tradition. Das katalanische
Parlament geht auf die mittelalterlichen Ständevertretungen von Pau
[Frankreich] und der Cort Comtat (Grafschaft von Barcelona) zurück.

Im XIV. Jahrhundert wurde die katalanische Ständeversammlung
(Generalitat) gegründet, welche zunehmend mehr Autonomie erlangte und
während des XVI. und XVII. Jahrhunderts als Regierung des Fürstentums
Barcelona fungierte. Nach dem Sieg über Barcelona im Jahre1714 während
des Nachfolgekriegs Phillips V. erließ das Dekret der Nova Planta, der
die Abschaffung der katalanischen Privilegien und die Auflösung der
Selbstverwaltung mit sich brachte.

Diese historische Entwicklung verlief in anderen Gebieten ähnlich, was
einen gemeinsamen linguistischen, kulturellen, sozialen und
ökonomischen Raum entstehen ließ, der durch gegenseitige Anerkennung
bestärkt und gefördert werden soll.

Während des ganzen XX. Jahrhunderts war der Wille zur Selbstverwaltung
der Katalaninnen und der Katalanen deutlich. Die Gründung 1914 des
Provinzen- und Städte-

Verbands von Katalonien (Mancomunitat de Catalunya) bedeutete einen
ersten Schritt zur Wiedererlangung der Selbstverwaltung, die dann aber
während der Diktatur Primo de Riveras abgeschafft wurde. Mit der
Erklärung der zweiten Republik Spaniens wurde 1931 eine katalanische
Regierung mit dem Namen Generalitat de Catalunya gebildet, die ein
Autonomiestatut erhielt.

1939 wurde die Generalitat durch General Franco abgeschafft, der bis
1975 ein diktatorisches Regime etablierte. Die Diktatur brachte den
aktiven Widerstand des katalanischen Volkes und der Verwaltung
Kataloniens mit sich. Eines der Ergebnisse beim Kampf um die Freiheit
war die Gründung der Versammlung Kataloniens 1971 (Assamblea de
Catalunya), provisorischer Vorläufer der Generalitat nach der
Wiederkehr ihres Präsidenten aus dem Exil 1977. Im Übergang zur
Demokratie und im Kontext des neuen Autonomien-Systems, das in der
spanischen Verfassung von 1978 verankert ist, verabschiedete das
katalanische Volk 1979 mittels eines Volksentscheids das
Autonomiestatut von Katalonien, und wählte 1980 zum ersten Mal [nach
Francos Diktatur] das Parlament von Katalonien.

Auf dem Weg zur demokratischen Entwicklung, hat eine Mehrheit der
katalanischen politischen und sozialen Kräfte in den letzten Jahren
die Maßnahmen zur Veränderung des politischen und juridischen Rahmens
vorangebracht, zuletzt in der Reform des Autonomiestatuts von
Katalonien, der 2005 vom Parlament initiiert wurde. Die
Schwierigkeiten und die Ablehnung der Institutionen durch den
spanischen Staat, wobei das Urteil des Verfassungsgerichts 31/2010
hervorzuheben ist, bedeuten eine radikale Ablehnung der demokratischen
Entwicklung des kollektiven Willens des katalanischen Volkes im
spanischen Staat, und schaffen die Grundlagen zu einer Rückbildung der
Selbstverwaltung und Zuständigkeit, die mit in aller Klarheit heute in
den politischen, sozialen, finanziellen kulturellen und linguistischen
Aspekten zum Ausdruck kommt.

Auf verschiedene Weise hat das katalanische Volk seinen Willen zur
Überwindung der aktuellen Blockade innerhalb des spanischen Staates
geäußert. Die Massendemonstrationen vom 10. Juli 2010 mit der Devise
„Wir sind eine Nation, wir entscheiden", und vom 11. September 2012
mit der Devise „Katalonien, ein neuer Staat Europas", sind Ausdruck
der Ablehnung gegenüber dem mangelnden Respekt vor Entscheidungen des
katalanischen Volkes.

Am 27. September 2012 mittels der Resolution 742/IX, forderte das
Parlament Kataloniens, dass das katalanische Volk, frei und
demokratisch mittels eines Volksentscheids seine kollektive Zukunft
selbst bestimmen könne. Die letzten Wahlen zum Parlament von
Katalonien vom 25. November 2012 haben diesen Anspruch klar und
unmissverständlich bekräftigt.

Um diesen Prozess umzusetzen hat das Parlament Kataloniens, in seiner
ersten Sitzung der X. Legislaturperiode und als Repräsentant des
Willens der Bürger Kataloniens die folgende Erklärung zur Souveränität
und auf das Recht zur Selbstbestimmung des Volkes von Katalonien
formuliert.

Erklärung der Souveränitäts- und des Selbstbestimmungsrechts des
Volkes von Katalonien

Entsprechend des auf demokratischem Wege geäußerten mehrheitlichen
Willens des katalanischen Volks, beschließt das Parlament Kataloniens
einen Prozess einzuleiten, der die Ausübung des
Selbstbestimmungsrechts verwirklicht, so dass die Bürger und
Bürgerinnen von Katalonien über ihre politische kollektive Zukunft
gemäß folgender Grundsätze bestimmen können:

-Souveränität. Das Volk von Katalonien hat aufgrund demokratischer
Legitimität die politische und juristische Souveränität.

-Demokratische Legitimität. Der Prozess der Ausübung des
Selbstbestimmungsrechts wird ausschließlich demokratisch sein und die
Pluralität aller Optionen und deren Anerkennung in der
Auseinandersetzung und im Dialog innerhalb der katalanischen
Gesellschaft garantieren, mit dem Ziel, dass das daraus resultierende
Ergebnis den Ausdruck der Mehrheit des Volkswillens darstelle, welcher
der grundsätzliche Garant des Bestimmungsrechts ist.

-Transparenz. Es werden alle notwendigen Mittel zu Verfügung gestellt,
so dass die Gesamtheit der Bevölkerung der katalanischen Gesellschaft
die vollständige Information und die genaue Kenntnis erhält, die zur
Ausübung des Entscheidungsrechts nötig sind und die sie zur Teilnahme
am Entscheidungsprozess befördern.

-Dialog: Es werden Auseinandersetzungen und Verhandlungen mit dem
spanischen Staat, den europäischen Institutionen und der
internationalen Gemeinschaft eingeleitet.

-Soziale Kohäsion: es wird die soziale und territoriale Kohäsion des
Landes sowie der von der katalanischen Gesellschaft oftmals zum
Ausdruck gebrachte Wille garantiert, Katalonien als ein einziges Volk
zu erhalten.

-Europa: Es werden die Grundsätze der Europäischen Union vertreten und
gefördert, insbesondere die bürgerlichen Grundrechte, die Demokratie,
die Verpflichtung zum Wohlfahrtstaat, die Solidarität unter den
Völkern Europas und der Einsatz für den ökonomischen, sozialen und
kulturellen Fortschritt.

-Legalität. Es werden alle existierenden rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen
eingesetzt, um die Stärkung der Demokratie und die Ausübung des
Selbstbestimmungsrechtes zu verwirklichen.

-Vorrangstellung des Parlaments. Das Parlament als Institution, die
das Volk Kataloniens repräsentiert, hat eine Vorrangstellung bei
diesem Prozess, weshalb Verfahrensweisen und Arbeitsstrategien zu
beschließen sind, die dieses Prinzip garantieren.

-Teilnahme. Das Parlament Kataloniens und die Regierung der
Generalitat sollen an diesem Prozess die regionale Gesellschaft, die
größtmögliche Zahl aller politischen Kräfte, ökonomischen und sozialen
Vertreter, sowie kulturellen und bürgerlichen Einrichtungen unseres
Landes zu aktiven Beteiligten ernennen, und die Mechanismen
einrichten, die dieses Prinzip garantieren.

Das Parlament Kataloniens ermutigt die Gemeinschaft der Bürger und
Bürgerinnen, zu Hauptdarstellern dieses demokratischen Prozesses zur
Ausübung des Selbstbestimmungsrechtes des katalanischen Volkes zu
werden.

Parlamenthaus, 23 Januar 2013

Falkland Islands will hold a self-determination referendum #eu #usa #politics #catalonia #scotland

The Falklands show the way: Winds of freedom blowing from the Atlantic
 
by Alex Calvo is a Professor of International Relations and International Law, Head of the IR Department, and Postgraduate Research Director, European University (Barcelona Campus). An expert on Asian security and defence issues, he got his LLB from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS, University of London) and is currently doing an MA in Second World War Studies at the University of Birmingham. He is a former teaching and research fellow at the OSCE Academy in Bishkek (Kyrgyzstan).


A strong wind is blowing from the South Atlantic, a wind of democracy. It comes from from the Falkland Islands, which on 10-11 March will hold a self-determination referendum. The issue at stake is whether to retain their status as a largely self-governing entity (a UK overseas territory, with London just responsible for defence and foreign affairs). Across the sea, Argentina is threatening the islands and refusing to recognize that it is the people living there who have a right to decide their own future. Instead of campaigning in favour of integration into Argentina, explaining the advantages (if any) of such course of action, Buenos Aires is mixing threats with claims that the referendum is "irrelevant", treating the Islands' population as minors unable to choose their own future.

Unfortunately, this comes as no surprise. In a recent visit to London, Argentine Foreign Minister Hector Timerman refused to speak to Dick Sawle, a member of the Falklands Islands Legislative Assembly. The head of the Argentine Diplomacy went so far as claiming that "There is no such thing as Falkland islanders".
 
Needless to say, this stands in stark contrast with London's impeccable democratic credentials. The British Government is supporting the referendum and has made it repeatedly clear that the Falklands will remain a British Overseas Territory for as long as their inhabitants wish. This is British democracy at its best, from bottom up, with government based on the consent of the governed, and institutions the servants and not the masters of the people.
 
Argentinians once assaulted the Islands by force and were soundly defeated, but they do not seem to have learnt the lesson. It is very simple: if they ever want the Falklands to join their country, they have to convince a majority of their population. Not threaten, or intimidate, or insult them, but to convince them. The opposite policy will only widen the gulf between the two societies.
 
Furthermore, can Argentina be a true democracy if she persists in ignoring the Falklanders' right to decide their own future? It is very doubtful. Countries which try to impose their will on others find themselves unable to enjoy true representative government within their own territory. It is perhaps no coincidence that Argentina goes from crisis to crisis, not only in the economic but also in the political realm. If all the energies devoted to the "Malvinas cause" went into economic development and political regeneration, the country would look very different in a few years time.
 
As a country seeking to restore its sovereignty through peaceful, democratic means, Catalonia cannot but admire this exercise of the right to self-determination, recognized by the UN Charter and myriad other international treaties. Catalans are closely following events in the Falklands and admire the fortitude of the local population in the face of constant threats, their commitment to the development and wellbeing of the Islands, and the democratic attitude of the British Government, based on democracy and the right of peoples to decide their own future.

We should conclude these lines remembering the 255 British servicemen, and 3 local civilians, who died in 1982. Liberty never comes free, and it is thanks to their willingness to pay the ultimate price that a referendum can now take place.


http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2013/03/the-falklands-show-way-winds-of-freedom.html

Book: What's Up with Catalonia? #eu #usa #politics #economics

On September 11, 2012, on Catalonia's National Day, 1.5 million people
from all over Catalonia marched peacefully and joyfully through the
streets of Barcelona, behind a single placard: Catalonia: New State in
Europe. Fifteen days later, President Artur Mas called snap elections
for the Parliament of Catalonia, in order to hold a referendum that
would let the people of Catalonia decide their own future. The rest of
the world and even Spain were caught by surprise, but the events
unfolding in Barcelona have been a long time coming.

In this new book, 35 experts explore Catalonia's history, economics,
politics, language, and culture, in order to explain to the rest of
the world the fascinating story behind the march, the new legislature,
and the upcoming vote on whether Catalonia will become the next new
state in Europe.

by Liz Castro (Editor), Carme Forcadell (Contributor), Artur Mas
(Prologue), Josep Maria Ganyet (Contributor), Enric Pujol Casademont
(Contributor), Josep M. Muñoz (Contributor), J.C. Major (Contributor),
Edward Hugh (Contributor)

With a prologue by Artur Mas, President of Catalonia, and
contributions from: Ignasi Aragay • Laia Balcells • Germà Bel • Laura
Borràs • Alfred Bosch • Núria Bosch • Roger Buch i Ros • Joan Canadell
• Pau Canaleta • Salvador Cardús • Muriel Casals • Andreu Domingo •
Carme Forcadell Lluís • Josep Maria Ganyet • Salvador Garcia-Ruiz •
Àlex Hinojo • Edward Hugh • Oriol Junqueras • M. Carme Junyent • J.C.
Major • Pere Mayans Balcells • Josep M. Muñoz • Mary Ann Newman •
Elisenda Paluzie • Vicent Partal • Cristina Perales-García • Eva
Piquer • Enric Pujol Casademont • Marta Rovira-Martínez • Vicent
Sanchis • Xavier Solano • Miquel Strubell • Matthew Tree • Ramon
Tremosa • F. Xavier Vila.

http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17386970-what-s-up-with-catalonia

A Europe Without Europeans? #politics #eu #usa #economics

By Marçal Sintes

That David Cameron has promised his citizens a referendum to decide
whether the United Kingdom remains within the EU or not is just the
latest development in the ever-complex relationship between London and
continental Europe. But that's not all. This future referendum, and
the causes that have led to it, highlight some of the enormous
challenges the EU faces today, challenges that are threatening the
future traditionally envisioned by the pro-European movement.

The tremendous intensity and duration of the economic crisis is
causing cracks to form within Europe. Divisions that before had been
simmering in the background, blurred but real, have become more and
more noticable. One of the big questions that has emerged due to the
crisis has to do with European identity. The economic crisis has been
and continues to be a source of additional pressure, making it harder
and harder for European citizens to feel they all share a common
European idea and sentiment.

Among the cracks we were referring to above there is one, or in fact
two, that are proving to be particularly worrisome. They are two sides
of the same coin. I am referring to the division between European
creditor states and debtor states, an economic division, and between
northern and southern states in Europe, which is a division of a
cultural nature and, in certain cases, is closely linked to feelings
of contempt and even xenophobia. This second side of the coin is a
symbolic construct, or to be more precise, it is the updated version
of a particular concept of the people from southern Europe this is
made up of old prejudices mixed with a few real events. In fact, this
concept is to a large extent how the creditors justify their attitude
and their positionings regarding their neighbors to the south. Germany
leads the group of creditor countries and also plays the role of the
great European economic powerhouse. It is this position of power that
has turned it into the boss of Europe. If we look at the policies that
Germany has been promoting within the Eurozone and the EU, we have to
conclude that until now it has acted more like a strict creditor than
a true constructive leader of Europe. Policies regarding debtor
countries have been guided more by old traumas –the hyperinflation
during the Weimar Republic— and particular interests —getting back
their borrowed money— than a truly ambitious and meaningful idea of
Europe.

The functionalism that inspired the founding fathers, based on the
belief that increasing economic interconnection would lead to greater
political cohesion, has proved to be only partially successful. Many
years on the Danes are just as Danish —or even more so than before—,
the Portuguese, Portuguese and the Germans, German. European identity
is quite thin, much thinner than national identities. The feeling of
belonging to a community of Europeans has grown very modestly, if at
all. One example of this is the aforementioned policy relating to the
debtor countries and proclamations such as "they had it coming to
them." Most people and groups are usually more inclined to feel
understanding and solidarity with those they feel closest to, more
like family, and more similar to. With the people they share the most
with. In other words, as a general rule we tend to be more willing to
help our siblings than our cousins, and to help the cousins of our
siblings before our cousins' cousins. I would say that for many
Germans today the citizens of southern Europe have ended up becoming
equivalent of relatives from afar, irresponsible, wasteful and
exploitive.

It is clear that it is not just the crisis that has called European
identity into question. Globalization also tends to favor a different
–broader and more diffuse— dimension. In addition, states do
everything they can (and then some) to ensure that collective
identities continue to revolve around these states, without
evaporating upwards, or without melting away in favor of what they
call national minorities. (In other words, identities that don't have
a state to back them, a situation that the Catalan case illustrates
quite well). Europe will find itself deeply transformed, and this is
already happening today, due to the current economic turmoil. The
Europe of tomorrow could become a more political Europe, something
that will happen inevitably if we democratically legitimize certain
structures that today are perceived to be remote, bureaucratic and
practically incomprehensible. This democratization should strengthen
the European sentiment and the European identity. But what could also
happen is that the transformation might limit itself to the forced
improvement of institutions and economic governing mechanisms, while
politics itself becomes irrelevant, paralyzed, desiccated. This would
be a Europe empty on the inside, soulless. A Europe without Europeans.

http://intocabledigital.cat/a-europe-without-europeans/44545/

Women, gender equality: lessons from Catalonia and Scotland #politics #news #eu #usa

by Meryl Kenny (UNSW) and Tània Verge (Universitat Pompeu Fabra)


This blog draws on discussions held at the Women and Constitutional
Futures Seminar: Gender Equality Matters in a New Scotland held on
14/15 February 2013 at the Royal Society of Edinburgh and the STUC
Women's Conversations event held on 18 February 2013.

On 11 September 2012, almost 2 million people – a quarter of
Catalonia's population – rallied in the streets of Barcelona in
support of independence. Early elections were immediately called to
give the new Catalan parliament a clear mandate to negotiate with the
central Spanish state over the right to self-determination and the
governing Catalan parties set a time limit for calling a referendum in
2014, the same year that Scots will be asked if they want
independence. In this blog, we explore the parallels between the
Catalan and Scottish experiences of constitutional change and evaluate
the implications of these processes for women and for gender equality,
focusing particularly on women's political representation.

Why is Catalonia pushing for independence? This is largely to do with
Catalan dissatisfaction with the territorial accommodation within the
Spanish state, which does not recognise national differences, is
reluctant to concede additional powers to the autonomous communities,
and which has begun to recentralize its political authority. There are
also concerns over the erosion of protections for the Catalan
language. Finally, economic arguments for independence have contended
that Catalonia is financially discriminated against by the Spanish
state and argued for the need for full fiscal capacity, particularly
in light of the economic recession.

The Spanish government's initial reaction was dismissive, accusing
nationalist parties in Catalonia of attempting to divert attention
from their own economic policies. But consistent support for
independence – with public opinion polls indicating that 57% of the
Catalan population supports secession – has subsequently prompted more
aggressive public rhetoric and legal action by the Spanish government,
including lodging an unconstitutionality appeal against the Catalan
parliament's declaration of sovereignty. While referendums can be
called by the central government, there is no scope for secession, as
the Spanish constitution establishes a single, indivisible sovereign
unit, the Spanish people.

In Scotland, processes of constitutional change have also been
dominated by debates over legality, with initial questions raised as
to whether Scotland had the power to enact a referendum bill, given
that the Union is a matter reserved to the UK Parliament. These issues
were resolved by an executive pact between the Scottish and UK
governments, in the form of the Edinburgh Agreement, which allows the
Scottish Parliament to stage a vote on independence in 2014. The price
paid for this agreement has been the decision to hold a
single-question yes/no referendum on independence, rather than include
an additional option in the form of 'devo-max' – a potentially more
popular option which would have transferred additional powers from
Westminster to the Scottish Parliament.

How women are (not) mobilizing

Where are women in these debates? Constitutional change offers
'windows of opportunity' for equality agendas, offering traditionally
marginalized actors and groups a chance to stake their claims at the
beginning of the process. Yet, in Catalonia and Scotland, women's
voices and debates over gender equality have been largely missing from
wider discussions over independence and constitutional change. As
Christine Bell and Fiona Mackay argue, this can be explained in part
by the focus thus far on issues of legality and process, an emphasis
which has the potential to exclude women and women's issues from the
debate.

Additionally, in both cases, divisions on the left, prevailing
adversarial politics and strong party discipline have made cross-party
or cross-sectional alliances difficult to form, making it hard to put
women's policy concerns on the agenda. In Catalonia, feminist
activists are divided on independence, reflecting the division among
left-wing political parties. While one party is clearly supportive of
independence (ERC, Republican Left of Catalonia, the equivalent to the
SNP with less parliamentary support), two-thirds of green voters (ICV,
Initiative for Catalonia Greens) support independence and the Catalan
social-democrats (the PSC, Party of the Catalan Socialists) are highly
fragmented – one-third of their voters support independence, one-third
oppose it, and one-third are undecided. As a result, the PSC party
leadership, without allowing for debates among the party membership,
has decided to advocate a third option – the federalization of Spain
(a rough equivalent to 'devo-max') – but this option is not supported
by most unionist supporters and is completely rejected by
secessionists. The overall focus on process has also not provided much
room for substantive debates thus far, including gender equality
issues.

In Scotland, the relative absence of women and debates around gender
equality in the run-up to the 2014 referendum – with the exception of
some women's groups and grassroots networks like Women for
Independence – stands in contrast to how involved women were with
processes of constitutional change in the 1990s. As Professor James
Mitchell noted in last week's Women and Constitutional Futures
Seminar, the debate in Scotland has been both 'arid and adversarial.'
While in Catalonia, there is a cross-sectional party coalition behind
independence – incorporating not only the left-wing ERC, but also the
centre-right CiU – in Scotland, the debate has been more polarized.
And, while a majority of both men and women in Catalonia support
independence, in Scotland, support is lower, with recent polls
indicating that 34% of likely voters back independence, making it more
difficult to form broader coalitions & alliances. Notably, there has
been a persistent gender gap in support for independence, with 41% of
men planning to vote Yes in 2014, but only 28% of women (with 11% of
both sexes undecided). While some mainstream commentators have
attributed this gap to women being 'less political' and 'more
hesitant', others point out that this is arguably a rational response
to the lack of information from both camps about what the everyday
implications of the different constitutional options might be and what
they might mean in terms of women's lives and gender equality more
broadly.

What does constitutional change mean for women and for gender equality?

What issues might bring women into the debate? In the run-up to
Scottish devolution in the 1990s, the key issue that served to rally
women activists from all walks of life was the call for 50:50
representation. There was a broad political consensus over the need
for equal representation in the new Scottish Parliament, and,
following a sustained and strategic campaign both within and outwith
the main Scottish political parties, substantial proportions of women
MSPs were elected in the first elections to the Scottish Parliament in
1999. The current constitutional 'moments' in Catalonia and Scotland
provide a key opportunity to revisit these wider debates.
Constitutions capture aspirations for the future, setting out broader
principles of fair treatment and representation and offering
possibilities for inclusion and equality, or conversely, exclusion and
inequality. Constitutional change in both cases, then, provides a
crucial opportunity to introduce and enshrine gender parity as a
public good.

Both countries have performed relatively well on women's
representation. In Catalonia, the current parliament has 40% women
deputies, which would place it tenth in world league tables on women's
representation – above countries like Iceland, Norway and Denmark. In
Scotland, just under 35% of MSPs elected in 2011 were women, which
would put the Scottish Parliament at position 22 in the world league
tables (compared to the UK House of Commons, which ranks 57th). In
both cases, gains were achieved through the use of gender quotas. In
Catalonia, the state-wide Spanish statutory quota passed in 2007
establishes that party lists must include a minimum of 40 per cent and
a maximum of 60 per cent of either sex. However, this quota simply
consolidated an 'incremental track' initiated by party quotas decades
earlier. Thanks to parties' voluntary measures, when the statutory
quota was passed in 2007, women's representation already reached 36%.
Women's agency was crucial in persuading left-wing parties to adopt
quotas in the 1980s and to enlarge these initial provisions to parity
levels in the following decades, as well as in ensuring that these
quotas were effectively enforced by party bodies. In Scotland, the
high numbers of women MSPs are largely due to the use of strong gender
quotas by the Labour Party in 1999 – in the form of a mechanisms
called twinning for constituency seats, as well as zipping on the
regional lists – and informal measures adopted by its main electoral
rival the SNP in 1999, including favourable placement for women
candidates on regional lists. As a result of these measures, 50% of
Labour MSPs elected in 1999 were women, as well as 42.9% of SNP MSPs,
numbers which continue to have an impact on headline figures
post-1999.

However, even if levels of women's political participation are
(relatively) high in both Catalonia and Scotland, it is important to
avoid complacency. Indeed, in both cases, issues in the short-term
political agenda point to the need for vigilance to ensure that women
and their perspectives are represented in debates over constitutional
change. In Catalonia, for example, the government's recent
establishment of a Council for the National Transition raises
potential issues with regards to women's representation. While
commissioners have not yet been appointed, feminists have reasons to
worry about its gender composition: this very same government only
included three women ministers in the so-called 'government of the
best' selected to manage the economic crisis. The Council will be a
consultative body that will act as an international ambassador of the
Catalan cause, therefore, its gender composition will have strong
symbolic and substantive effects for women's representation. Meanwhile
in Scotland, despite the high levels of female politicians and the
prominent role of Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon in the Yes
campaign, the face of Scottish politics remains relatively 'male, pale
and stale'. While some women's voices have been heard, the majority of
platforms and panels launched by the SNP or the Yes campaign, as well
as the resulting media commentary, have been largely male-dominated.
Indeed, as others have noted, the Scottish Government's Expert Working
Group on Welfare, unveiled by Nicola Sturgeon in early 2013 to
evaluate the potential structure of the welfare system in an
independent Scotland, was initially men-only.

Questions in both cases have also been raised as to the sustainability
of current levels of women's representation. In both contexts, gender
quotas are not yet taken for granted, and vigilance is required to
ensure that quota measures are effectively implemented and enforced,
and that women are selected for winnable positions. In Catalonia, new
electoral legislation is due to be passed in the next few months which
could diminish the effectiveness of the state-wide Equality Law. A
long-standing debate on political disaffection among citizens and
current corruption scandals by political parties has prompted calls to
shift towards a candidate-oriented system with smaller districts and
open lists. The parliament will resume the discussions that were
started several years ago when an expert commission issued a report on
the reform of the electoral system – a commission which included 7
experts, all men, and whose 150 page report included only one page
devoted to gender equality in representation. While these experts were
happy to keep the current statutory quota, they also suggested
changing district magnitudes, the electoral formula and the type of
lists – changes that would render the application of the Equality Law
completely ineffective.

In Scotland, there are clear signs that gender parity is slipping down
the political agenda. There is little evidence that gender quotas have
'caught on' since 1999, either across political parties or different
political levels. Any progress since the first elections has been
brought about more by accident than design, and gender quotas and
gender balance remain poorly institutionalized within Scottish
parties, with a detrimental impact on the recruitment and election of
female candidates over time. It seems unlikely at this point that the
other Scottish parties (with the exception of the Greens) will follow
Labour's lead and adopt strong gender quotas. This raises the question
as to whether the time has come to consider statutory quotas in
Scotland, following the examples of Spain, Belgium, France, and also
the Republic of Ireland, where 30% candidate gender quotas are now
law. Regardless, lessons from Catalonia and Scotland point to the need
to keep gender parity on the agenda, and to ensure that quota measures
are well-designed and well-implemented, with effective supervision
mechanisms and sanctions for non-compliance.

As we discussed in last week's Women and Constitutional Futures
Seminar, women's issues are constitutional issues. Thus, regardless of
the results of the respective national transitions, it is vital that
women's voices and perspectives be included in wider debates over
institutional and constitutional restructuring. In both Catalonia and
Scotland, women must seek to engender both sides of the debate and
hold them to account. Women's political inclusion – in both the short
and the long-term – can be one key issue around which women can gather
and build broad consensus around different groups.

http://genderpoliticsatedinburgh.wordpress.com/2013/02/21/women-gender-equality-and-constitutional-change-lessons-from-catalonia-and-scotland/

Samuel Moyn: 'Catalonia should turn Independence into a “cause of global concern" #news #usa #eu #politics

In an interview on TV3, Professor Samuel Moyn of Columbia University,
an historian of ideas and an expert in human rights, expresses his
opinion about the independence of Catalonia.

The right to self-determination is a right included in the founding
principles of the UN, however after the processes of decolonization,
this idea of self-determination weakened.

People want to feel part of a political community, not just part of a
network of economic exchanges. If this is not met either in Europe nor
in the rest of the world and not even in their own state, they just
seek refuge in "their language, their culture and their local
particularities."

Catalonia is not comparable to Scotland, because in the case of
Catalonia there is no agreement with the Spanish government. However
Scotland, Catalonia and even Flanders do have common causes,
exacerbated by the economic crisis. And they have to fight for them in
the context, as quoted, of a failure of certain politic structures.

Catalunya should turn Independence into a "cause of global concern".
The case of Catalonia is unique and could set a precedent because "if
Catalonia is not willing to cross the line of violence to achieve
independence", it will be a minority group in history. The Catalan
success will become a heroic achievement".

http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2013/01/us-historian-samuel-moyn-catalonia.html

Las fuerzas políticas declaran que Cataluña es "sujeto político y jurídico soberano" #usa #eu #politics #news

by Reuters

Las dos principales fuerzas políticas catalanas, Convergencia i Unió
(CiU) y Esquerra Republicana de Cataluña (ERC), pactaron el jueves un
texto que someterán a votación en el Parlamento catalán en el que
constatan que la región "es un sujeto político y jurídico soberano",
en un primer paso hacia la convocatoria de un referéndum soberanista
que aspiran a celebrar en 2014.

El documento, que ha sido remitido al resto de grupos parlamentarios y
que han colgado varios medios en sus páginas web, recoge la voluntad
de las dos formaciones de constituir Cataluña en un nuevo Estado
dentro del marco europeo. "De acuerdo con la voluntad expresada
democráticamente por parte del pueblo de Cataluña, el Parlamento de
Cataluña acuerda declarar la soberanía democrática del pueblo de
Cataluña como sujeto político y jurídico", dice el borrador del texto.

Convergencia i Unió, de centroderecha, y la izquierdista ERC
alcanzaron en diciembre un pacto de gobierno inédito hasta ahora en
Cataluña en el que incluyeron la convocatoria de una consulta sobre la
independencia en 2014 y medidas económicas como subidas de impuestos
para tratar de superar la crisis.

El presidente catalán, Artur Mas, espera poder negociar con el
Gobierno español de Mariano Rajoy la celebración de la consulta para
que tenga carácter vinculante, pero el presidente de España ha
mostrado su rechazo en repetidas ocasiones a la celebración de la
misma y sostiene que la consulta no tendría encaje en la Constitución
española.

http://es.reuters.com/article/topNews/idESMAE90906Q20130110

Declaration of Sovereignty of the Catalan People #usa #news #eu #politics

This proposal has been drafted in agreement between the governing Convergència i Unió (CiU) coalition and the main opposition party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and is to be negotiated with the other parties which have expressed their defence of the right to decide of the people of Catalonia, namely Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC), Iniciativa per Catalunya (ICV-EUiA) and Candidatura Unitaria Popular (CUP).

Motion for a resolution of approval of a Declaration of Sovereignty of the Catalan People
Preamble

The people of Catalonia, throughout its history, has expressed democratically its will to govern itself, with the aim of administering its political power, its public finances, of achieving recognition of its own culture and its collective identity, its own language, and guaranteeing the exercise of the rights of its citizens, with the objective of improving collective welfare and equal opportunities.

With this in consideration, after the protracted period of Gen. Franco's dictatorship with the transition of the Spanish State to democracy, an autonomous model was projected. In recent years, in the course of deepening democracy, a majority of Catalan political forces and social measures have driven transformation of the policy and legal framework, the most recent concretion of which was the reform process of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia initiated by Parliament in 2005. The impediments and refusals by Spanish state institutions, among which Constitutional Court Sentence 31/2010, involve a fundamental denial of the democratic evolution of the collective will of the Catalan people within the Spanish state and sets the basis for regression in self-government now clearly expressed in political, jurisdictional, financial, social, cultural and linguistic aspects.

The Catalan people have expressed in many ways the desire to overcome the current deadlock within the Spanish State, by means of asserting the need to build Catalonia as a state within the European framework. The European treaties specifically protect the rights of the people, the exercise of the rights of citizenship and the deepening of democracy as a principle.

On September 27, 2012, in resolution 742/IX, the Parliament of Catalonia asserted the need for the people of Catalonia to determine freely and democratically their collective future by means of a ballot.

In the past elections to the Catalan Parliament of 25 November 2012, the people expressed and confirmed this will clearly and unequivocally, establishing a democratic mandate of the citizens of Catalonia for the new Chamber, the representation of the will of the people of Catalonia to begin the process for the creation of Catalonia as a new state based on the recognition of its sovereignty.

The legitimisation of this process must spring from the majority decision of the people by means of a democratic ballot.

In order to carry out this process, the 10th Catalan Parliament, representing the will of the citizens of Catalonia as expressed democratically in the last election, makes the following:

DECLARATION OF SOVEREIGNTY OF THE CATALAN PEOPLE

In accordance with the democratically expressed will of the people of Catalonia, the Catalan Parliament concurs to declare the democratic sovereignty of the people of Catalonia as a political and legal subject, initiating the process to exercise the right to decide on how to implement the right to self-determination of peoples, and to effect the will to constitute Catalonia as a a new state within the European framework as per the following principles:

1. Sovereignty

The people of Catalonia have, for reasons of democratic legitimacy, the nature of a sovereign political and legal subject.

2. Democratic legitimacy

The process of exercising the right to decide shall be scrupulously democratic, particularly in ensuring the plurality of choice and respect for all, through deliberation and dialogue within Catalan society in order for the pronouncement arising therefrom to be the majority expression of the will of the people.

3. Transparency

All the necessary instruments shall be provided for the whole population and society of Catalonia to have all the information and knowledge required for the exercise of the right to decide and encourage participation in the process.

4. Dialogue

Dialogue and negotiation with the Spanish State, the European institutions and the entire international community shall be fostered.

5. Europe

The founding principles of the European Union shall be defended and fostered, particularly the fundamental rights of citizens, democracy, commitment to the welfare state, solidarity between the different territories of the Union and the promotion of economic, social and cultural progress.

6. Legality

All existing legal frameworks shall be employed to effect the enhancement of democracy and the exercise of the right to decide.

Parliament of Catalonia, January 2013.

http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2013/01/declaration-of-sovereignty-of-catalan.html

A break from the norm in Catalonia #usa #eu #politics #sports #news

by Ian Hawkey 

European football's winter break can seem desolate for the diehard supporter: vacant weekends, empty stadiums and only a trickle of speculation on what the transfer window might bring in to, or take out from, your favourite club. Germany's Bundesliga has three more weeks of holiday, France's Ligue 1 another two. Italy's Serie A and Spain's Primera Liga resume in seven days.
Related

But there is significant action, at least in corners of Spain, over the coming days. In San Sebastian this evening, as little as €15 (Dh73) buys a ticket to a prestige encounter featuring a World Cup-winning star, and several Athletic Bilbao players who took part in the last Europa League final.

There should be a decent crowd at the Anoeta Stadium. Four days later, in Barcelona, tickets to watch several of the finest footballers in the world are going for as little as €8.

Catalonia against Nigeria, on Wednesday, and today's meeting between the Basque Country and Bolivia, are part of a unique Iberian tradition, friendly matches with a passionate edge, at least for some spectators, that take place around Christmas and New Year.

For some, watching their regional teams, waving Catalan or Basque flags, means imagining a future in which the federal state that is Spain will be made up of independent countries, with their own national football teams. For others, these fixtures are simply a happy celebration of locale.

Eight of Barcelona's current squad have been called up by the honorary coach of Catalonia, Johan Cruyff, for the visit by Nigeria to Espanyol's Cornella Stadium. Of the senior Spain internationals employed by Barca, only Pedro, Andres Iniesta and David Villa are not Catalans by birth.

Ask the players who are if they see any contradiction of representing Catalonia as well as Spain, and they answer diplomatically that the two things can comfortably coexist.

But separatism in Catalonian society is a hot political issue, and although a once-a-year State-of-Origin match ought not to inflame tensions, it has done in the past.

It certainly encourages some local chest beating. If Catalonia existed as a nation under Fifa, the question poses itself: might they win a World Cup?

Seven Catalans - Victor Valdes, Carles Puyol, Gerard Pique, Joan Capdevila, Xavi, Sergio Busquets and Cesc Fabregas - did so with Spain in 2010. Might an independent Basque Country squad challenge for a European Championship? Real Madrid's Xabi Alonso -who will be playing in his Basque jersey in his hometown for tonight's match against Bolivia - Arsenal's Mikel Arteta and Bayern Munich's Javi Martinez would certainly form an impressive midfield.

Nobody fears such a break-up is imminent, although the central government of Spain worries that the recent progress of Gibraltar's long campaign for sporting autonomy within Uefa - the tiny territory, part of Iberia but governed by Britain, has been allowed to compete independently in the next Euro Under 17 and U19 Championships - might provide a precedent for Catalonia's long-term ambitions for something similar.

On Europe's political atlas, borders can alter quickly. Twenty-five years ago, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, Slovenia and Macedonia were all represented by the national team of Yugoslavia. Kosovo is now pressing vigorously to add its name to Uefa's roster of sovereign national teams.

In another 25 years, Europe could look very different. Its football championship could feature quirky fixtures like, say, Wallonia - where there is a significant political lobby for independence from Belgium, or at least from the Flemish part of that country - against Brittany; or Kosovo versus a newly independent Corsica.

All of whom would probably welcome the possibility of a Spain broken up into separate states and teams, diluting the power the united Spanish now exert over most international competitions.

http://www.thenational.ae/sport/football/a-break-from-the-norm-in-catalonia#ixzz2GOJNhTkX 

Les Catalans défilent pour défendre leur langue #news #eu #usa #politics

Des milliers de personnes ont manifesté jeudi à Barcelone, contre un
projet de réforme de l'éducation qui, selon les manifestants, menace
de réduire le poids de la langue catalane dans l'enseignement public.

"Cette réforme ne prend pas en compte la réalité de la Catalogne car
le catalan est nécessaire au quotidien si tu vis ici: ils devraient la
retirer", lançait Oriol Luque, 22 ans.

Cet étudiant en journalisme se trouvait parmi les milliers de
personnes qui s'étaient rassemblées sur la Place de l'Université de
Barcelone, à l'appel de syndicats et d'associations de professeurs,
d'élèves et de parents.

Agitant des drapeaux catalans rayés rouge et jaune ainsi que des
bannières indépendantistes marquées d'une étoile blanche sur un
triangle bleu, les manifestants ont ensuite parcouru les principales
rues de Barcelone.

"Cette réforme va à l'encontre de choses aussi essentielles que
l'égalité et la cohésion sociale: l'école publique est un lieu commun
où des élèves de toutes les origines peuvent se rencontrer et
s'éduquer ensemble", accusait Anna Via, professeur de Sciences
Sociales de 31 ans.

Même si elle n'en est encore qu'au stade de projet, cette réforme a
déjà été rejetée par plusieurs des 17 régions, chargées en Espagne
d'administrer le budget de l'Education, car elles y voient notamment
une atteinte à leur pouvoir d'élaborer les programmes scolaires.

Pour la Catalogne, elle menace en outre son système d'immersion
linguistique, le projet renforçant le poids du castillan à l'école.

"Le gouvernement ne veut absolument pas liquider l'école en catalan",
a pourtant une nouvelle fois affirmé mercredi le ministre de
l'Education, José Ignacio Wert.

En plus de Barcelone, des manifestations étaient prévues jeudi dans
plusieurs autres villes d'Espagne, dont Madrid, pour protester contre
le projet de réforme.

http://www.tdg.ch/monde/europe/Les-Catalans-defilent-pour-defendre-leur-langue/story/12646768

Ce n'est pas la Catalogne le problème #eu #usa #politics #news

par Josep M Loste

Toute la polémique, ou plutôt le brouhaha au sujet de si la Catalogne serait exclue de l'Union Européenne en cas d'indépendance n'est autre qu'une imposture politique démesurée, un épouvantail colossal qui montre en toute rigueur que le vrai cauchemar de l'Europe n'est point la Catalogne, mais l'Espagne.

Il n'y a pas de doute que les interférences des services officieux de l'État espagnol dans les élections du 25 novembre ont induit une campagne déloyale, pour ne pas dire écœurante, qui a particulièrement influé dans la manipulation médiatique des secteurs les plus fragiles de notre société. Par exemple, sur la question des retraites, où les partis espagnolistes, surtout le PP, ont omis de dire que le système de retraites par redistribution implique que ce sont les travailleurs cotisant à la sécurité sociale qui paient de fait les pensions des retraités.

Il n'y a pas l'ombre d'un doute que le vrai cauchemar de l'Europe, c'est l'Espagne, et donc le mieux que nous pouvons faire, les Catalans, c'est de la fuir au plus tôt. Quand a-t-on vu un état, un pays où, par rapport au douloureux sujet des expulsions de domiciles, le citoyen soit maltraité, les gens soient abandonnés dans la rue aggravant encore plus leur situation, et en contrevenant la législation européenne. Malheureusement, les Catalans aussi pâtissons cette situation et c'est là un autre motif pour mettre les voiles de l'Espagne qui est en voie de devenir un vrai « état paria », où les abus de toutes sortes et les bévues antisociales sont à l'ordre du jour.

Ici aujourd'hui, c'est un besoin urgent de devenir une République, loin de l'orbite de Madrid. Nous ne pouvons pas appartenir à un état qui, outre le fait d'être le vrai cauchemar de l'Europe, détient le record d'être une des économies les moins productives du continent européen, mais qui s'entête malgré tout à construire des lignes de TGV dans certaines régions, dans lesquelles le nombre de passager est ridicule. Nous ne pouvons pas appartenir à un état où la démocratie est de si mauvaise qualité et dans lequel le spectre de l'autoritarisme irrationnel, voire du putschisme, sont de plus en plus visibles.

En définitive, les raisons ne nous manquent pas pour continuer à avancer vers la libération nationale. L'heure est arrivée, ne serait-ce que par amour propre collectif, d'appuyer sur l'accélérateur et de réaliser enfin ce « voyage à Ithaque », chose qui ne pourra arriver pour de bon qu'en coupant les ponts avec ce qui est aujourd'hui le pire cauchemar de l'Europe : l'État espagnol.

http://nationcatalane.blogspot.com/2012/12/ce-nest-pas-la-catalogne-le-probleme.html

Bloomberg: 'Catalonia to Create Institutions for Independence Before 2014' #news #usa #politics #eu

By Emma Ross-Thomas

Catalan President Artur Mas pledged to create the institutions needed
for an independent state next year as he prepares for a referendum on
secession from Spain.

Catalonia's government will create a tax agency and a public bank
while transforming the regional police corps into a full force as part
of preparations for the referendum, which he has pledged to be ready
to hold as early as 2014. It will also draw up plans for social
security, energy and justice, Mas told the regional parliament, which
is set to swear him in for a second term tomorrow.

"The government will work to define and develop the structures of
state for the new scenario," Mas told the legislature in Barcelona
today. "Catalonia must make its own national transition."

Mas, who won a regional election on Nov. 25 without clinching a
majority for his Convergencia i Unio party, will govern with the
support of the separatist lawmakers of Catalan Republic Left. His
plans set him up for a clash with the central government of Spanish
Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, which says any referendum would be
illegal and has pledged to take legal measures to prevent a plebiscite
being called.

http://www.businessweek.com/news/2012-12-20/catalonia-to-create-institutions-for-independence-before-2014

Referendum für 2014 angesetzt: Katalonien plant Abspaltung #news #politics #eu #usa

Die wichtigsten Parteien in Katalonien treiben die Unabhängigkeit
ihrer Region voran. Die Bürger sollen darüber abstimmen, ob sie weiter
zu Spanien gehören oder einen eigenen Staat gründen wollen.

Die Bewohner Kataloniens sollen im Jahr 2014 über die Unabhängigkeit
der wirtschaftsstärksten Region in Spanien abstimmen. Dies sieht ein
Regierungspakt vor, den die katalanischen Nationalisten (CiU) von
Ministerpräsident Artur Mas mit den Linksrepublikanern (ERC)
geschlossen haben. Die Unterzeichnung des Übereinkommens ist ein
Schritt hin zu einem unabhängigen Staat Katalonien mit 7,6 Millionen
Einwohnern.

"Der Moment der Selbstbestimmung ist gekommen", sagte Mas. "Dies ist
das wichtigste Vorhaben in Katalonien seit drei Jahrhunderten." Mit
dem Pakt sicherte der 56-Jährige sich die Unterstützung der ERC im
Regionalparlament und damit seine Wiederwahl zum katalanischen
Regierungschef an diesem Freitag.

Der Politikwissenschaftler André Kaiser bezweifelte im Gespräch mit
n-tv.de, dass es wirklich zu einer Abspaltung kommt. Vielmehr wollten
katalanische Politiker der spanischen drohen um wieder mehr Mittel aus
Madrid zu bekommen. Allerdings, so Kaiser, könne eine solche
Unabhängigkeitsbewegung "auch schnell eine eigene Dynamik bekommen."
Erklärung der Souveränität schon 2013

Die spanische Zentralregierung hält das geplante
Unabhängigkeitsreferendum für verfassungswidrig. "Wir haben die
notwendigen Mittel, um ein illegales Vorhaben zu unterbinden", sagte
die Madrider Vizeregierungschefin Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría.

Der katalanische Nationalist Mas hatte bei der vorgezogenen
Regionalwahl im November mit seiner Partei CiU (Konvergenz und Union)
zwar die meisten Stimmen gewonnen, die angestrebte absolute Mehrheit
aber weit verfehlt. Um die Unterstützung der Separatisten von der ERC
zu gewinnen, stimmte er einem Zeitplan zur Abhaltung einer
Volksabstimmung über eine Abspaltung Kataloniens von Spanien zu.

Danach soll das Parlament in Barcelona Anfang 2013 feierlich die
"Souveränität des katalanischen Volkes" erklären. Anschließend sollen
die rechtlichen Grundlagen für die Abhaltung des geplanten Referendums
geschaffen und Verhandlungen mit der spanischen Zentralregierung
aufgenommen werden. Der Regierungspakt lässt offen, auf welcher
Rechtsgrundlage die Abstimmung abgehalten und welche Fragestellung den
Stimmberechtigten zur Entscheidung vorgelegt werden soll.

http://www.n-tv.de/politik/Katalonien-plant-Abspaltung-article9830706.html

Le Figaro: 'La Catalogne trace sa route vers l'indépendance' #news #politics #eu #usa

Par Mathieu de Taillac

Le référendum sur l'indépendance de la Catalogne était une promesse
électorale lancée lors du scrutin régional du 25 novembre. C'est
désormais un engagement politique, ferme et daté: en 2014, les
électeurs seront appelés à se prononcer sur la création d'un État
catalan. Après trois semaines de négociations, les deux grandes
familles politiques de la région autonome sont tombées d'accord mardi
soir. Les nationalistes de centre droit de Convergència i Unió (CiU)
maintiendront leur chef de file, Artur Mas, à la tête de la région.
Les indépendantistes de gauche d'Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya
(ERC) leur prêteront leurs voix au Parlement régional lors de
l'investiture de Mas ce vendredi.

Le recul de CiU aux élections (de 62 à 50 députés, sur un total de
135) contraignait Mas à négocier avec d'autres partis. Et sa campagne,
focalisée sur la proposition d'un référendum, excluait de fait un
accord avec des forces non nationalistes. ERC, dont la progression a
été spectaculaire (de 10 à 21 sièges), l'a bien compris et a négocié
son appui au prix fort. Les indépendantistes n'occuperont aucun
portefeuille au gouvernement catalan. En revanche, ils imposent à CiU
des hausses d'impôts au lieu de coupes budgétaires et, surtout, une
feuille de route souverainiste. CiU ne voulait pas s'engager sur une
date pré­cise, ERC l'y contraint. Selon le texte alambiqué qu'elles
ont signé, les deux formations s'engagent «à convoquer une
consultation dans le cadre de la légalité applicable» en 2014, «sauf
si le contexte socio-économique et politique requiert un ajournement.
Dans tous les cas, la date sera fixée par un accord entre, au moins,
les deux partis signataires».

Ambiguïtés

Plusieurs ambiguïtés sont soigneusement entretenues. La date pourrait
être ajournée si la formation la plus pressée de convoquer le
référendum, ERC, le permet. La question n'est pas précisée. L'accord
prévoit simplement que «le peuple de Catalogne puisse se prononcer sur
la possibilité que la Catalogne se constitue en un État dans le cadre
européen». La légalité du référendum est abordée de manière
suffisamment vague pour satisfaire tout le monde: les plus timides,
qui, à l'intérieur de CiU, veulent que le scrutin soit conforme à la
Constitution espagnole - ce qui, en l'état des textes, semble
impossible -, et les plus décidés, surtout chez ERC, qui considèrent
que l'autodétermination est garantie par le droit international. Le
gouvernement espagnol a répété mercredi son opposition à un scrutin
qu'il juge illégal. La bataille politique et juridique ne fait que
commencer.

http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2012/12/19/01003-20121219ARTFIG00566-la-catalogne-trace-sa-route-vers-l-independance.php

Homage to Catalonia #news #usa #eu #politics

by Megan McArdle

Catalonian secession grows more plausible. That's bad news for the
Spanish government. There have been fitful mutterings about Catalonia,
the region of Spain where Barcelona is, seceding from Spain. Walter
Russell Mead sums up the latest developments:

Madrid did its best to spin the results of the Catalonia election as a
defeat for the secessionists, but as we predicted, the new Catalan
coalition has united behind the demand for an independence referendum
that Madrid says is illegal.

This won't help Spain, and it won't help the euro. It is, however,
good for the coalition partners in Catalonia, who have shrewdly set a
far-away date for the referendum. This will allow Catalonia to extract
the maximum level of concessions from both Madrid and Brussels as
Europe's power brokers struggle to avoid a destabilizing crisis in a
major EU economy.

Blackmail Madrid as long as possible, and keep the referendum threat
real: This is a smart strategy and one that will be hard to beat.
Madrid is now backed into a corner: If it squeezes Catalonia, the
prospect of secession increases, investors flee all of Spain, and the
euro itself comes under pressure.

Catalonia is the richest part of Spain. If it goes, Spain's tax base
shrinks dramatically. If it doesn't go, but merely uses the threat to
get lower taxes and more help with its own very large debts, Spain's
fiscal picture still looks a great deal bleaker. Which means, in
turn, that Germany is going to have to pony up a lot more money.

Europe's fiscal crisis keeps developing in completely unexpected ways.
The only thing that's really predictible is that the solutions will
cost more, and work less well, then even the pessimists project.

http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2012/12/19/homage-to-catalonia.html

Reuters: 'Catalan parties agree pact with eye on 2014 secession vote' #news #politics #eu #usa

Two of the largest parties in Spain's northern region of Catalonia
agreed an alliance on Tuesday that aims to pave the way for a
referendum in 2014 on secession, a vote Madrid has said is illegal. A
prolonged recession and record unemployment have fuelled separatist
sentiment in a region that is among Spain's wealthiest, adding to
uncertainty for investors concerned that Spain cannot control its
finances and may need international aid.

The centre-right Convergence and Union, or CiU, lost 12 seats in an
election last month, leaving it with only a slim relative majority in
the Catalan parliament. CiU leader Artur Mas, who headed the outgoing
government, said he would need a political alliance to govern. The
pact on Tuesday between the right-leaning CiU and the Republican Left,
or ERC, two parties usually at ideological loggerheads, fell short of
a full coalition.

"There is total agreement on the referendum. There will be a
referendum in 2014, unless both parties agree to delay it," ERC head
Oriol Junqueras said on Tuesday. The parties said they would attempt
to convince Madrid to give its blessing to the referendum, but
suggested that they would go ahead whether it did so or not. Almost
two-thirds of the seats in parliament are held by parties that want a
plebiscite.

Mas had called the early election in an attempt to ride a wave of
separatist sentiment after hundreds of thousands demonstrated in
favour of independence in September. The plan backfired on him as many
voters turned away from the CiU, which had never previously flown the
independence flag, towards smaller parties that had long advocated
separation for Catalonia, which has its own distinct language and
culture.

A source involved in the talks told Reuters the pact between the CiU
and the ERC would give stability to the Catalan government and had two
goals: passing the budget and approving the referendum. The ERC
increased its number of seats in parliament to 21 from 10.

http://www.trust.org/alertnet/news/catalan-parties-agree-pact-with-eye-on-2014-secession-vote/

El Universal: 'Cataluña convoca su referendo soberanista para el 2014' #news #politics #eu #usa

ERC, defensor histórico de la soberanía de Cataluña, y único socio
posible para garantizar la reelección de Mas como presidente regional,
presionaba para fijar una fecha para el referéndum, a lo que CiU se
resistía argumentando que el proceso será complicado y lleno de
obstáculos. El presidente de la región española de Cataluña, el
nacionalista Artur Mas, alcanzó hoy un acuerdo con la oposición
independentista de ERC para convocar un referendo de autodeterminación
en 2014, informaron ambos partidos. "Hemos llegado a un acuerdo que
pasa por convocar el referéndum en 2014", declaró Sergi Sol, jefe de
prensa de ERC, expuso AFP.

"Hay un acuerdo", confirmó una portavoz del partido de Mas, CiU, que
incluye "convocar la consulta, de acuerdo con el marco legal, a lo
largo de 2014" aunque aún "no hay una fecha concreta", precisó. De
organizarse en el otoño (boreal) de 2014, la consulta soberanista de
esta gran región del noreste de España, con 7,5 millones de
habitantes, coincidiría con el referéndum de independencia acordado en
Escocia, donde, al igual que en Cataluña, la pregunta está aún por
definir.

Mas, duramente enfrentado al gobierno español de Mariano Rajoy debido
a un sistema fiscal que considera como un lastre en estos tiempos de
crisis, aumentó así la tensión con Madrid, quien se opone férreamente
a una consulta soberanista contraria, afirma, a la Constitución
española. Los nacionalistas de CiU (derecha) y los independentistas de
ERC (izquierda) negociaban ésta y otras cuestiones desde que las
elecciones regionales del 25 de noviembre dejaron a los primeros con
una mayoría insuficiente en el Parlamento catalán y a los segundos
como segunda fuerza política de dicha cámara.

El líder de ERC, Oriol Junqueras, afirmó no querer entrar en un
gobierno de coalición pero prometió su apoyo a CiU como líder de la
oposición. "Hay un acuerdo total en el ámbito de la consulta, por lo
cual la reunión ha ido muy bien, mucho mejor que las reuniones
anteriores (...) y por lo tanto habrá un acuerdo que garantizará la
fortaleza y la estabilidad del gobierno de Cataluña", declaró el
martes a los periodistas al término del encuentro con Mas.

Tras convocar elecciones anticipadas en busca de una mayoría absoluta
de la que no disponía, CiU vio cómo sus escaños pasaban de 62 a 50 en
un parlamento de 135, mientras ERC veía sus diez diputados
transformarse en 21. Muchos analistas consideraron que los votantes
habían sancionado la imagen de moderación de Mas, quien nunca
pronunció la palabra "independencia".

ERC, defensor histórico de la soberanía de Cataluña, y único socio
posible para garantizar la reelección de Mas como presidente regional,
presionaba para fijar una fecha para el referéndum, a lo que CiU se
resistía argumentando que el proceso será complicado y lleno de
obstáculos. El pacto entre CiU y ERC contempla así que la consulta
pueda aplazarse por causas justificadas.

"Ellos han decido en la fecha, han aceptado el 2014, y a cambio ha
habido un anexo que dice que si hubiese una causa de fuerza mayor se
podría, con el acuerdo de ambas partes, posponer" la consulta, explicó
Sol. No obstante, "el único motivo que podría aplazar la convocatoria
es que caiga una bomba atómica", lanzó.

Entre los otros puntos negociados por ambos partidos figuraban las
políticas de austeridad, aplicadas con firmeza por el anterior
gobierno de CiU en su lucha contra el déficit y a las que ERC se
oponía. Otrora motor económico de España y actualmente su región más
endeudada, Cataluña, responsable del 20% del PIB del país, sufre con
fuerza las consecuencias de la crisis, lo que atiza un fervor
independentista que en septiembre desembocó en una masiva
manifestación en Barcelona. Una vez alcanzado el pacto de estabilidad
entre CiU y ERC, el debate de investidura en el parlamento catalán
tendrá lugar el jueves y viernes, anunció a la prensa la presidenta de
la cámara, Nuria de Gispert.

http://www.eluniversal.com/internacional/121218/nacionalistas-de-cataluna-convocan-referendo-soberanista-para-2014

O Globo: 'Catalunha deve ter referendo sobre autodeterminação em 2014' #news #politics #usa #eu

O presidente da região espanhola da Catalunha, o nacionalista Artur
Mas, obteve nesta terça-feira (18) um acordo com os independentistas
do ERC, do líder Oriol Junqueras, para convocar um referendo de
autodeterminação em 2014, informaram os dois partidos. "Chegamos a um
acordo que inclui convocar o referendo em 2014", disse Sergi Sol,
assessor de imprensa do ERC. "Há um acordo", disse um porta-voz do
partido de Mas, o CiU.

O acordo prevê que a data seja adiada se houver "motivos
justificados". "Eles decidiram a data, aceitaram 2014, com um anexo
que diz que se houver uma causa de força maior é possível, com o
acordo de ambas as partes, adiar", explicou Sol. Contudo, "o único
motivo que poderia adiar a convocatoria é que caia uma bomba atômica",
disse.

Os nacionalistas do CiU (direita) e os independentes do ERC
(esquerda) negociavam esta e outras questões desde que as eleições
regionais de 25 de novembro deixaram aos primeiros sem maioria
suficiente no Parlamento catalão e transformaram os independentes como
segunda força política da câmara.

Junqueras, afirmou não querer entrar em um governo de coalizão, mas
prometeu seu apoio ao CiU como líder da oposição. "Há um acordo total
sobre a consulta e a reunião foi muito bem (...)haverá um acordo que
garantirá a força e a estabilidade do governo da Catalunha", declarou
aos jornalistas no final do encontro com Mas.

http://g1.globo.com/mundo/noticia/2012/12/catalunha-tera-referendo-sobre-autodeterminacao-em-2014.html

The Guardian: 'Catalonia joins Scotland in push for 2014 independence vote' #news #politics #eu #usa

Europe faces an unprecedented attempt by two regions to form new
states in 2014 after politicians in Catalonia reached an agreement to
call a referendum in the same year that Scots will be asked whether
they want independence.

A basic agreement between nationalist Catalan president Artur Mas and
the separatist Catalan Republican Left (ERC) party will result in the
latter propping up Mas's new minority government.

The price for support is the setting of a time limit on a
self-determination referendum. Mas had promised to hold one by 2017
but ERC has forced him to commit to 2014, according to Spanish press
reports citing those involved in negotiations. The agreement with ERC
will allow Mas, who remains in power despite losing parliamentary
seats in elections last month, to form a new government shortly,
according to the reports.

Officials in Mas's office declined to confirm or deny the deal with
ERC, but the move looks likely to increase confrontation with Spanish
prime minister Mariano Rajoy's conservative People's party (PP)
government, which has said it would make sure that courts banned a
unilateral referendum in advance. If Mas ignored a ban imposed by the
constitutional court, he could face trial and be barred from public
office.

The decision to hold the Catalan referendum in the same year as the
Scottish vote creates a double headache for the EU. Officials have so
far maintained that newly independent countries must apply for EU
membership – which normally takes many years and can be vetoed by a
single member state.

Mas's Convergence and Union (CiU) nationalist coalition is split on
whether Catalonia, a wealthy and populous region in north-east Spain,
should seek full independence. Mas and most others want secession, but
a significant minority worry that this could damage Catalonia's
economic interests.

Mas called a snap election last month hoping to ride a wave of
enthusiasm for independence and persuade Catalans he was the man to
lead them towards separation from Spain. CiU won, but with its worst
result since 1980 as voters punished it for the austerity measures it
has imposed on welfare, education and health services in a region that
already enjoys considerable autonomy. Hardcore separatists voted for
ERC and those opposing independence, many of whom would not normally
vote at regional elections, backed Rajoy's PP or other
anti-separatists - producing a fragmented parliament.

Mas's alliance with ERC, which doubled its number of deputies to
become the second biggest party, means pressure for independence will
now increase.

Polls show 57% of Catalans say they would back separation, though
analysts believe that would drop significantly in a real referendum
where fears about damage to Catalonia's economy would become sharper.

In the Basque country, the northern Spanish region where independence
is often debated, a new nationalist-led government began to take shape
on Thursday.

Iñigo Urkullu, of the Basque Nationalist party, was appointed regional
prime minister and looked likely to head a minority government that
will also need the support of separatists. Urkullu has said his
priority is the economy, but the separatist Bildu coalition that
includes former members of the political front of terrorist group Eta,
will try to push him down the road towards independence.

Urkullu was expected to keep a close eye on events in Catalonia and
Scotland before deciding whether to push for independence.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/dec/13/catalonia-independence-2014

Le Monde: 'Accord en Catalogne pour un référendum d'autodétermination en 2014' #news #politics #eu #usa

Le parti Convergencia i Unio (CU) du président du gouvernement
régional de Catalogne, le nationaliste Artur Mas, et le parti
indépendantiste d'opposition ERC sont parvenus mardi 18 décembre à un
accord sur la convocation d'un référendum d'autodétermination de la
Catalogne en 2014, ont annoncé les deux partis.

"Nous sommes arrivés à un accord pour convoquer le référendum en
2014", a déclaré Sergi Sol, chef du service de presse de l'ERC. "Il y
a un accord" qui prévoit de convoquer un référendum "dans le courant
de 2014", a confirmé une porte-parole de CU. "Il n'y a pas encore de
date précise", a-t-elle ajouté.

Les deux partis ont toutefois souligné que la consultation pourrait
être reportée s'il y avait des raisons pertinentes de le faire. "Ils
ont décidé la date, ils se sont mis d'accord sur 2014, et il y a une
annexe qui dit que s'il y avait une cause de force majeure, on
pourrait, avec l'accord des deux parties, reporter" le référendum, a
déclaré M. Sol. Pour lui, cependant, "le seul motif qui pourrait
retarder la convocation serait la chute d'une bombe atomique". En
toute mesure.

http://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2012/12/18/accord-en-catalogne-pour-un-referendum-d-autodetermination-en-2014_1808102_3214.html

Catalonia to hold referendum on independence in 2014 #news #politics #usa #eu

Catalonia is to hold a referendum on independence in 2014. Convergence
and Union (CiU) leader Artur Mas and Republican Left (ERC) leader
Oriol Junqueras have struck a deal that includes the approval of a
Catalan law on referendums in 2013 and, subsequently, calling the vote
in 2014. CiU and ERC have 71 MPs (out of 135) in the Parliament of
Catalonia. The agreement also foresees that CiU will form a government
with Mas as its president. The leader of CiU was first elected as
Catalan president in 2010.

Two other political parties support the holding of the referendum.
Ecosocialist Initiative for Catalonia (ICV-EUiA, 13 MPs) and socialist
Popular Unity Candidature (CUP, 3 MPs) also want to call a vote on
independence. ICV-EUiA would like an option for a federal Spain to be
included in the ballots along independence and statuo quo, while CUP
supports outright independence.

The Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC, 20 MPs) support a referendum
only if it is done in accordance with the Spanish laws. The Popular
Party (PP, 19 MPs) and Citizens (C's, 9 MPs) totally oppose the
referendum and want Catalonia to continue being an autonomous
community of Spain.

Declaration on the sovereignty of the Catalan people.

Catalan newspaper Ara has released the text of the agreement between
CiU and ERC (you can find it here, in Catalan). According to the text,
the first plenary session of the newly elected Catalan Parliament will
pass a "declaration on the sovereignty of the people of Catalonia".
Parliamentary work to pass the Catalan law on referendums will start
before the end of January 2013.

The agreement also foresees the opening of a negotiation process
between the Catalan and Spanish governments so that "the right to
decide" (direct quote from the document) can be implemented, including
the holding of the referendum. The Spanish government has always said
that the Spanish institutions will never agree to such a move.

Referendum delayed only if both parties agree.

According to what Junqueras has explained, the referendum can only be
delayed if both CiU and ERC agree to. 2014 is a very symbolic year for
the Catalan people, since it marks the 300th anniversary of the end of
the War on Spanish Succession, after which Catalonia lost its
political autonomy.
But both parties admit that they still have to work in order to
"cement a large social majority" in favour of the process of
self-determination.

http://www.helpcatalonia.cat/2012/12/catalonia-to-hold-referendum-on.html

Reuters: 'Spain education plan stokes tensions with restive Catalonia' #news #eu #usa #politics

By Braden Phillips

Spain's leader vowed on Friday to press on with an education reform
that has fueled separatist sentiment in Catalonia, where politicians
were closing on a pact that could lead to a vote on independence.

Catalan officials say the reform, which would require separate classes
for students who want to be taught in Spanish, would undo decades of
efforts to preserve the Catalan language. The dispute has enraged
Catalans just as the two biggest forces in the local parliament
attempt to strike a deal which would include a referendum on
independence by 2015.

Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy denied on Friday that his proposed reform
threatened languages such as Catalan or Basque, but said he was
determined to overhaul Spain's education system, which has the highest
drop-out rate in Europe.

"Given the results, there is no argument over the (problems with the)
current model," Rajoy told reporters in Brussels, where he spoke after
a European summit. Rajoy also said he was "worried" about news reports
of progress in talks between the two biggest groups in the Catalan
parliament.

Republican Left, or ERC, is trying to agree terms for backing a
government run by the centre-right Convergence and Union, or CiU,
ahead of an independence vote, local media said.

Parties in favour of Catalan independence won a majority in regional
elections on November 25, piling uncertainty on Rajoy as he fights a
debt crisis that could force Spain to seek an international bailout.

Thousands of people marched throughout Spain on Monday to protest the
proposed reform, dubbed the Wert Law after Education Minister Jose
Ignacio Wert. The law also proposes mandatory college-admissions tests
and allowing gender-segregated schools to receive state subsidies.

The biggest demonstrations were in Catalonia, where language has
always been a sensitive topic in the centuries-old political
tug-of-war between the north-eastern region and Madrid.

Catalan was banned during the 18th century by Philip V and again for
almost 40 years during the right-wing dictatorship of Francisco
Franco, who died in 1975.

Many Catalans were outraged in October when Wert said the proposed
bill aimed to "Spanish-ize Catalan schoolchildren."

"Don't even think of touching our children," said Alfred Bosch, a
member of the Spanish parliament for ERC, during a debate on
Wednesday. "What are you going to do, put a policeman in every
classroom? What planet are you people from?"

Wert met on Thursday with Catalonia acting Education Minister Irene
Rigau to try to negotiate over the reforms. But both sides said there
was little progress.

"We told him to withdraw everything connected with language," Rigau
told reporters after the meeting.

http://uk.reuters.com/article/2012/12/14/uk-spain-catalan-idUKBRE8BD0XE20121214

Catalogne: 'Le nationalisme séduit aussi la gauche' #news #eu #usa #politics

by Journal De La Corse

Les élections législatives du 25 novembre ont conforté les partis
catalans se réclamant de l'indépendance. Avec un enseignement majeur :
désormais le nationalisme peut aussi fleurir à gauche. La coalition
nationaliste conservatrice Convergència i Unió (CiU) qui dirige la
Generalitat de Catalunya (région autonome catalane) depuis 2010 avec
une majorité relative, escomptait obtenir la majorité absolue en
surfant sur une montée du nationalisme.

Elle a au contraire perdu des voix et des sièges et devra, en janvier
prochain, rechercher des alliances formelles ou tacites pour
gouverner. Certains médias parisiens se sont alors empressés de
souligner un recul des indépendantistes. Or la réalité est tout autre.
Certes CiU a essuyé un échec. En revanche, le nationalisme et la
volonté de couper les ponts avec l'Etat espagnol ont gagné en
puissance. L'électorat catalan a en effet laissé apparaître que, pour
le moins, il aspirait à l'organisation d'un référendum portant sur
l'autodétermination. La droite et la gauche espagnole refusent cette
évidence et l'attribuent à un jeu pervers de CiU. Ils reprochent à la
coalition nationaliste d'instrumentaliser le fait que la Catalogne
soit la plus riche des 17 régions d'Espagne. (Avec cependant une dette
de 47 milliards d'euro refilés à Madrid) Ils l'accusent d'avoir imposé
d'énormes réductions budgétaires aux services publics catalans et
d'avoir affirmé que ces coupes sombres ne seraient pas intervenues si
la Catalogne avait joui d'une plus grande autonomie ou avait été un
Etat indépendant.

Enfin, ils soulignent que CiU dit, à qui veut l'entendre, que la riche
Catalogne paie pour les fonctionnaires de Madrid et les pauvres
d'Andalousie. La gauche espagnole – essentiellement représentée en
Catalogne par le Parti Socialiste de Catalogne (PSC), facette locale
du Parti Socialiste Ouvrier Espagnol (PSOE) – en vient même à comparer
l'indépendantisme catalan à celui de la Lega Nord per l'Indipendenza
della Padania (Ligue du Nord lombarde), lui reprochant de faire le jeu
de la droite en divisant les classes populaires espagnoles. Cette
approche n'a rien d'étonnant car, dans la tradition de la gauche
européenne bien pensante, le nationalisme ne peut être, sur le Vieux
Continent, que l'expression d'un populisme ou d'une xénophobie
contribuant à diviser les travailleurs ou à fragmenter des Etats
censés représenter des instruments de régulation économique et
sociale. Il aura fallu attendre l'éclatement de l'ex-Yougoslavie et
des pays de l'ancien bloc de l'Est durant les années 1990, pour que
les « bonnes » libérations nationales ne soient plus exclusivement
africaines ou asiatiques.

http://www.corsicainfurmazione.org/30212/catalogne-le-nationalisme-seduit-aussi-la-gauche-corse-info/2012/